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Catalog Record: Javier Villafañe : poesía 1938-1990 | Hathi Trust Digital Library

Healey, Co-Chair This dissertation examines the establishment of state institutions, the role of state agents, and the emergence of a self-conscious, municipally-based civil society in northern Patagonia in the cabxllo decades after it was conquered and incorporated into Argentina.

In Patagonia, the Argentine government embarked on an ambitious project of forging a society from above, by creating new state villsfae and encouraging new settlement. But these ambitions soon ran aground thanks to limited funding and political gridlock. Chapter Two looks at how local and regional authorities attempted to discipline and acculturate the surviving indigenous population of the region.

Prejudices, suspicion, and exigency shaped how state agents treated individuals perceived as indigenous, even as they tolerated the survival of indigenous communities in remote rural areas. Chapter Three follows the arrival of immigrants from Chile, Europe, and the Middle East to northern Patagonia, tracing their settlement patterns and the uncertain process by which they resisted, subverted, and sometimes allied themselves with the state.

Chapter Four centers on family conflicts to explore how private affairs affected public perception of individuals, and the consequences of these conflicts on reputation-based social networks, which were critical to accessing justice in the frontier.

Chapter Six surveys cases of the illegal practice of medicine to argue that these social networks were ultimately used uavier challenge the legitimacy of state-appointed authorities on the frontier, as communities banded together to defend healers and uncertified doctors against state prosecution. Institutions and Practices p. People and Networks ss cabalko.

Under an Uncertain Flag p. Legitimacy, Local Politics, celowo Power ss p. At the Edges of Medicine p. At least this dissertation did. It took the work, love, patience, insight, and interest of a lot of people, who left their cabsllo on these pages. I wanted to take this chance to thank the individuals and institutions that made this work possible. First and cceloso, I would like to thank the members of my dissertation committee.

Mark Healey changed the way I think about history, challenged me to consider which questions are worth asking, and whose stories are worth telling.

Despite being on diametrically opposite sides of the continent, his advice, encouragement, and good spirits always made him feel closer. Margaret Chowning has been an incredible mentor. Her relentless optimism and constructive criticisms made this project infinitely better.

Laura Enriquez, who knows how to ask disarmingly simple questions that force you to reconsider fundamental ways in which you approach a particular problem, was a constant reminder of the value of kindness in academia. I was lucky to have my interest in history nurtured throughout my life. Stephen Cohen organized a history club for a few of us in high school after hours, and his ccaballo questions those afternoons have continued to resonate with me as the eel passed. As an undergraduate, in a time of confusion and disappointment, Jonathan Brown rekindled my celkso in history and forced celso to cabalo a better writer, while Julie Hardwick introduced me to court cases and the fascinating stories they hold.

At Berkeley, I was fortunate to work with Margaret Anderson and John Connelly who helped me to think about how European historiographical questions applied to the history of Celiso America. The student-run Berkeley Latin American History working group was an invaluable resource in shaping this project. They not only read and commented on several of its chapters, but they provided me with a chance to meet and engage with scholars from throughout California. BLAH is a cherished tradition, passed down cagallo generation to generation of graduate students in the program, and I was honored to be a part of it.

Within the working group, but also in countless seminars, my extended cohort of latinoamericanistas—Sarah Selvidge, Sara Hines, Pablo Palomino, German Vergara, Lynsay Skiba, Alberto Garcia, Rebecca Herman and David Tamayo—expanded the ways in which I understood Latin America and helped me articulate what was unique about my own perspective.


The Latin American Sociology working group, which graciously allowed me to present one of the chapters of this dissertation, constantly reminded me of the richness in our different methodologies and research questions.

The research for this dissertation was done over three Patagonian winters, and a long spring. In that brief time, I became indebted to many people who through their hard work and love keep the archives alive. Francisco Camino Vela warmly opened his home, sharing his kindness and wisdom.

The staff at the AGN-Archivo Intermedio was a tireless resource, painstakingly caring for the recent past and allowing researchers to learn from it. Dissertations require financial support to complete. I was fortunate to receive a Cota Robles Fellowship my first two years at Berkeley, which encouraged me to undertake sprawling research projects without having to teach.

I had time to parse through the research and write this dissertation thanks to the yearlong Berkeley Connect Mentoring Fellowship, and a departmental write-up Fellowship. A group of friends, near and far, kept me sane between chapters. Kristie Soares and Emily Scheines shared their love, humor, and intellect freely and eagerly in end-of-semester wine tastings, so integral to surviving graduate school—they have been role models of how to be a supportive, loving couple.

Miguel Nolla brightens an entire room with a smile, and has the uncanny ability to contextualize any problem, making it seem manageable. In Berkeley, Jenelle and James, Mia and Zach, Molly and Paul, and Megan and Joe punctuated the rhythms of graduate life with their unparalleled culinary prowess, timely happy hours, and contagious good spirits. My family provided the foundation upon which everything else in life was built, including this dissertation.

My in- laws, Gelu and Tamara Popescu, have been endless sources of compassion, love, and comfort through trying times. Their love of good food and wine are infectious. Some of his impossible work ethic, resolve, and determination might have rubbed off on me. My mother, Denise, inculcated the love of reading at a young age, and encouraged my curiosity. She also played a critical role in this project, by constructing a searchable database of cases and proofreading each chapter.

She has been my best friend, my sharpest critic, my dearest colleague, a steadfast supporter and partner in almost daily adventures, real or imagined.

She introduced me to the idea of a life in academia, and kept my resolve high when it villafae to falter. She bravely weathered the loneliness, cold, and boredom of provincial archives with me, and made the research not just bearable but enjoyable.

Her passion, curiosity, and kindness are unbound. And little Mateo, who came into my life at the end of this project, threatened to derail it, but ended up giving it meaning—I cannot wait to see the person that you will become. There are no people there… In Patagonia, there is nothing. No, in Patagonia, there is nothing. Following a large manhunt throughout the region, the police apprehended the Spaniard, and proceeded to interview all his known patients in an effort to build their case against the healer.

The surnames in the letter ranged from Spanish-descent to Italian and eastern European ones, and even included indigenous names. The penmanship suggested all levels of instruction and social class—from sure-handed signatures to timid ell, and sometimes the names of entire families were written out in the same careful script. This broad coalition of settlers in tiny agricultural villages came together with great coordination, and joined their voices to attempt to influence the sole state institution in Patagonia that responded to their complaints—the federal courts.

The prosecutor kept the case file for two years, without offering an opinion for the judge to rule on, until the window to try the case expired and the charges against Susso were dismissed, ending what had been a five-year-long pursuit of the healer by local authorities in a rather anti- 1 Paul Theroux, The Old Patagonian Express: This dissertation grew out of an initial desire to make sense of this kind of case: Why did the prosecutor and judge not act with the same zealousness as the police?

How common was it for neighbors to band together to slow down the progress of justice? How did the frontier society, a villfae of immigrants, Argentine settlers, and indigenous people come together in the decades following the annexation of Patagonia? Also puzzling was the fact that there was no clear pattern as to how they were adjudicated.

The literature on the region suggested two possible interpretations: The cases suggested a very different arrangement, one in which local and regional authorities had divergent goals in the frontier, and one in which powerful people could marshal the state to jafier aid, but so could plebeian settlers. Making sense of these cases forced me first to re-conceptualize how the Argentine state in Patagonia operated, and to understand how settlers came together into loosely connected social networks to overcome the isolation of the frontier.


Ultimately, criminal cases led me to understand how patronage networks between settlers and state agents were used to mobilize state resources in particular directions, and how social networks mobilized to contest and challenge the deployment of state power.

In fact, while in the U. The operations of the Argentine state in Patagonia have more often been understood in a grander key. Consider, for example, the inauguration by the Minister of Education Esteban Bullrich of a veterinary school in Choele Choel, near the site where the successful campaign to subdue Patagonia had been launched.

Books by Javier Villafañe (Author of El caballo celoso)

University of New Mexico Press, The first narrative depicts Patagonia as a place holding, deep inside, the power to transform Argentina in profound ways. The minister tried to turn the opening of the veterinary school into another chapter in this story.

The Puzzle After annexing Patagonia, the Argentine government embarked on an ambitious nation- building project: The proximity faballo Chile tied many small producers to merchants there, rather than to Buenos Aires, reflecting a longstanding east-west commercial integration that worried Argentine nationalists. The paucity of state infrastructure in Patagonia continued to embarrass national authorities and critics alike, at least until the conservative governments of the s began to invest in projects throughout the region.

The territory viloafae lacked police stations, postal offices, and government buildings, not to mention bridges, roads, and railroads. Even a symbolically important project such as the four-hundred-miles long truncated transcontinental railroad took thirty years to complete. Political institutions never matured beyond a constitutional stalemate between the top federal appointees to each territory.

This dissertation argues that this story of failure caallo simplistic and incomplete. The experiment, however, was never fully completed. Unable, and at times unwilling, to extend political rights to the population in Patagonia, Argentina administered the region with two federal appointees: Judges tried to uphold the vollafae of law, celoxo finding creative solutions to walk the tightrope between the spirit and the letter of the law to avoid upending established social order.

The judicial system had a dismal conviction rate: The second pillar of this unique political arrangement were local social networks, tied loosely to regional and national ones, which kept this state—essentially a collection of unelected outsiders—from devolving into caudillo-style clientelism or judicial tyranny. Competing networks working at cross-purposes made this arrangement dynamic. While villwfae network would attempt to mobilize state agents to investigate a complaint, a different network would try to stall the investigation and derail it.

For example, rival merchants would mobilize employers, suppliers, villafze police officers to stifle competition through a trumped-up investigation Chapter Fiveor popular faith javie could call on patients, neighbors, and colleagues to fend off and neutralize an investigation launched by a new doctor and his police allies against them Chapter Six.

These networks included people of different socio-economic backgrounds, broadening the avenues available to plebeian settlers to access justice, and making the institutionally undemocratic government in Patagonia surprisingly accessible. Without electoral means to translate social and economic power into political power, locals found other ways to solidify their vlilafae standing, consolidate power or wealth, and, for those with a civic streak, assist their humbler neighbors with their grievances.

Positioning celsoo as vecinos [literally: These social networks proved critical in negotiating the three central paradoxes of how Argentina administered its National Territories. First, it was both centralized, as federal appointees derived their power from national government directly, and highly decentralized, since regional supervisors had little direct power over their charges.

Second, the two top administrators in each National Territory judges and governors had competing, mutually exclusive goals for the region, with overlapping caallo and unclear chains of command. The third paradox was that the effectiveness of the state apparatus in northern Patagonia came in large measure from its lack of resources.